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Miseducation: inequality, education and the working classes
In: 21st century standpoints
Class work: mothers' involvement in their children's primary schooling
In: Women & social class
Sociology of education: a personal reflection on politics, power and pragmatism
In: British journal of sociology of education, Band 41, Heft 6, S. 817-829
ISSN: 1465-3346
The Perils and Penalties of Meritocracy: Sanctioning Inequalities and Legitimating Prejudice
In: The political quarterly, Band 91, Heft 2, S. 405-412
ISSN: 1467-923X
AbstractThis article deploys insights from Michael Young's 1958 satire The Rise of the Meritocracy to challenge the dominant ideology of meritocracy in contemporary British society. It draws on ethnographic research in schools over a twenty‐five year period to illustrate the damage the illusion of meritocracy inflicts on children and young people, but particularly those from working class backgrounds. It argues that the consequences of the pretence of meritocracy are to be found in everyday practices of testing, hyper‐competition and setting, and beyond the classroom in the designation of predominantly working class schools as 'rubbish schools for rubbish learners'. It concludes that, beyond the negative consequences for working class learners, there are wider consequences for British society, exacerbating social divisions and encouraging the growth of distrust, prejudice, envy, resentment, and contempt between different social groups.
The neoliberal academies project: Dreamfields or nightmares?
In: British journal of sociology of education, Band 39, Heft 8, S. 1235-1238
ISSN: 1465-3346
Education in America. By Kimberly Goyette. Oakland: University of California Press, 2017. Pp. xvi+253. $85.00 (cover); $29.95 (paper)
In: The American journal of sociology, Band 124, Heft 3, S. 919-921
ISSN: 1537-5390
Academic Viagra: tying Kate Middleton up in knots
In: British journal of sociology of education, Band 36, Heft 5, S. 798-801
ISSN: 1465-3346
White middle-class families and urban comprehensives: the struggle for social solidarity in an era of amoral familism
In: Families, relationships and societies: an international journal of research and debate, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 235-249
ISSN: 2046-7443
This article examines the extent to which families can operate against the dominant practices of the societies they are part of by focusing on a specific fraction of the white middle classes: those who can be seen to be acting against the grain of white middle-class orthodoxy by sending their children to schools with a substantial percentage of working-class and/or minority ethnic students. Drawing on concepts of 'amoral familism' and 'social solidarity', it explores the tensions the families confront between a strong commitment to comprehensive schooling and a wider collectivity, and a more narrow inward focus on the interests of the immediate family to the exclusion of wider society. It concludes that as long as neoliberalism remains the dominant ideology, there is little hope for the development of new ways of 'doing family' that involve looking out in inclusive open ways rather than focusing inwards in exclusive, and often excluding, ways.
Social mobility, a panacea for austere times: tales of emperors, frogs, and tadpoles
In: British journal of sociology of education, Band 34, Heft 5-6, S. 660-677
ISSN: 1465-3346
Common schools for a common culture
In: Renewal: politics, movements, ideas ; a journal of social democracy, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 40-47
ISSN: 0968-252X
Schooling for Democracy: A Common School and a Common University? A Response to "Schooling for Democracy"
This short paper is a response to Nel Noddings's article on schooling for democracy. Whilst agreeing with the basic premises of Noddings's argument, it questions the possibility of parity between academic and vocational tracks given the inequitable social and educational contexts the two types of learning would have to coexist within. Drawing on the educational philosophies of John Dewey and R. H. Tawney, I argue that both the United States and the United Kingdom need to create educational systems that reduce the social distance between people rather than, as the current systems do, exacerbate them. This is an issue of hearts and minds as well as policies and practices. As Dewey pointed out a hundred years ago, what is required is education that results in "mutual regard of all citizens for all other citizens," and the paper concludes that both countries are still far away from achieving this.
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Gesellschaftliche Spaltungen, Geschlecht und Ethnizität im Bildungssystgem
In: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte: APuZ, Heft 49, S. 15-21
ISSN: 2194-3621
Die Haltung der Oberschicht gegenüber der Arbeiterschicht hat sich zwar gewandelt, ist aber noch immer stark beeinflusst durch ein kulturell bedingtes Verständnis der Gesellschaftsschichten. Die Sicht der Elite auf die Arbeiterschicht hat sich dahin gehend verändert, dass sie statt als wilde und undisziplinierte Masse nun als Gruppe von Individuen angesehen wird, die mehr Eigenverantwortung für ihr Leben übernehmen müssten. Sowohl Medien als auch Politiker sind in Bezug auf mangelhafte Bildungsleistungen der Arbeiterschicht ganz auf kulturelle Aspekte fokussiert. Ein höheres Bewusstsein für den gesellschaftlichen Wettbewerb, die Wirtschaft und eine höchst individualisierte, konkurrenzorientierte neoliberale Kultur bilden mächtige und tief verwurzelte Barrieren für größere Bildungsgleichheit. Das Ergebnis ist ein polarisiertes Bildungswesen, das noch immer von einer klassenmäßig stark gespaltenen Gesellschaft gezeichnet ist, auf welche die endlosen Initiativen der Politik mit ihren Versprechungen, größere soziale Mobilität und soziale Gerechtigkeit zu fördern, bisher kaum Einfluss nehmen konnten. (ICF2)
Psychosocial Aspects of White Middle-Class Identities: Desiring and Defending against the Class and Ethnic `Other' in Urban Multi-Ethnic Schooling
In: Sociology: the journal of the British Sociological Association, Band 42, Heft 6, S. 1072-1088
ISSN: 1469-8684
This article draws on qualitative in-depth interviews with 63 white middle-class families whose children attend inner London comprehensives.The white middle classes, as they are inscribed in policy discourses, best fit the ideal of the democratic citizen — individualistic, rational, responsible, participatory, the active chooser. Yet, narratives of white middle-class choice reveal both powerful defences and the power of the affective. Sublimated in the psyche of the majority white middle classes who avoid inner-city comprehensives and the more inclusive parents in this ESRC-funded research project are multifaceted and differing responses to the classed and ethnic `other'. This article examines frequently overlooked anxieties, conflicts, desires and tensions within middle-class identities generated by education choice policies. However, the main focus is white middle-class relationships to their classed and ethnic `other', and the part played by the psychosocial in white middle-class identities and identifications within predominantly working-class, multi-ethnic schooling.